Why this comes up
Assisted dying is where patient autonomy collides head-on with a doctor’s duty to do no harm — and with society’s duty to protect the vulnerable. Interviewers love it because there is no “right answer” to hide behind, so it reveals whether you can really reason.
They are not asking what you believe. They are watching whether you can define the terms accurately, hold two opposing views in mind at once, and stay measured on an emotive subject. A candidate who calmly argues both sides beats one who delivers a passionate one-sided speech every time.
“What are your views on assisted dying?”
“Should doctors be allowed to help terminally ill patients to end their lives?”
Resist giving a verdict in the first sentence. Start by defining what is — and isn’t — being asked about. That alone marks you out.
Get the terms right — this is half the answer
Most weak answers blur these together. Precision here instantly signals a serious candidate:
One more useful idea: the doctrine of double effect. Giving a dying patient enough pain relief to be comfortable is lawful even if it may hasten death, because the intention is to relieve suffering, not to cause death. Intention matters in medical ethics — a neat point to deploy.
The law & the current bill
In England and Wales, assisting a suicide is a criminal offence under the Suicide Act 1961. That is why some people have travelled abroad, for example to Dignitas in Switzerland.
A handful of landmark cases shaped the debate, and naming one shows real depth: Diane Pretty (2002), who had motor neurone disease and sought assurance her husband would not be prosecuted for helping her die; Debbie Purdy (2009), whose case forced the Director of Public Prosecutions to publish clearer guidance on when assisting a suicide would be prosecuted; and Tony Nicklinson (2012), who had locked-in syndrome and challenged the law on euthanasia.
The Terminally Ill Adults (End of Life) Bill would change this. In broad terms it proposes that a mentally competent, terminally ill adult with a prognosis of under six months could request assistance to die, with safeguards such as assessment by two doctors and independent oversight. It has moved through Parliament in stages, and Scotland has been considering its own separate legislation.
The bill’s exact stage and wording change over time. Before any interview, check the latest from the UK Parliament, BBC News or the BMA so you can refer to where it has reached — interviewers are impressed by candidates who know the current state of play.
The debate
Give the strongest version of each side — not a straw man you can knock down.
The case for
- Autonomy — a competent adult’s right to choose how and when they die
- Compassion — relief from suffering that even good palliative care cannot always ease
- Dignity — control over the end of one’s own life
- With strict safeguards, it can be made far safer than people acting alone or travelling abroad
The case against
- Sanctity of life & the duty to do no harm
- Coercion — vulnerable, elderly or disabled people feeling a “burden”
- Slippery slope — eligibility widening over time, as critics argue has happened elsewhere
- Better palliative care could reduce the demand; prognosis can be wrong
- Effect on trust in doctors and the doctor–patient relationship
The ethics, through the four pillars
The four pillars are tailor-made for this topic — and the honest tension between them is the whole point.
Autonomy
The patient’s right to choose.
The strongest argument in favour: a competent adult deciding about their own life and death.
Beneficence
Acting in the patient’s interest.
Relieving unbearable suffering — though some argue excellent palliative care serves this better.
Non-maleficence
First, do no harm.
The core objection — plus the harm of coercion, and that a six-month prognosis can be wrong.
Justice
Fairness & protecting the vulnerable.
Ensuring no one is pressured because they feel a burden, and that palliative care is properly resourced.